This episode we jump into the Taika Reforms, also known as the Great Change. This would really kick off the movement to remake the Yamato government into the bureaucratic state that became known as Japan. This is definitely a period of Great Change, as the name “Taika” implies. At the same time, we don’t actually have an extant law code until much later: early on the administrative “code” of rewards and punishments is more of a series of royal edicts.

The “provinces” of ancient Japan are the old “kuni”. These provinces are still something people use, today, to describe certain areas of Honshu, Shikoku, and Kyushu. The early provinces likely evolved from lands that were either conquered by Yamato or who at least agreed to some nominal level of subordination. Later, many of the provinces would be carved up into smaller, more manageable sizes.

It isn’t exactly clear to me which of the many provinces existed when the eight kokushi were sent out, but it refers to the Eastern Provinces. This is probably meaning the Azuma no Kuni, which seems to reference the Kanto region, but we aren’t given specifics.

Welcome to Sengoku Daimyo’s Chronicles of Japan. My name is Joshua and this is Episode 108: The Great Change
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The Kuni no Miyatsuko, hereditary leader of his lands, likely heard the news before they arrived. Apparently Yamato was sending out an official—a kokushi—who was going to be doing some sort of survey. Whatever. Just another person from Yamato’s court—what did it matter? His family had been in charge of the local lands for as long as anyone remembered, and while they might give nominal fealty to the Oho-kimi in Yamato, along with the occasional bit of taxes, paid in rice, what consequence was it to him? Some might say he was a big fish in a small pond, but it was his pond. Always had been, and always would be.
Wouldn’t it?
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And we are back with our regular chronological podcast, and we are finally going to pick back up on the fall out from the events of 645, the Isshi Incident, when Prince Naka no Oe orchestrated the murder of Soga no Iruka, and later his father, Soga no Emishi, in full view of the court, including his mother, Takara, aka Kougyoku Tennou. That incident would be the start of Naka no Oe’s own rise to power and the reshaping of Yamato from the its longstanding clan based system of government to a new national government of laws and punishments, known generally as the Ritsuryo system. This episode we’ll dive into this new system and the so-called “Taika reforms” that brought it about, the changes it ushered in, and the ripples this sent throughout the entire archipelago.     The term “Taika” itself means “Great Change”, and it isn’t clear to me if it was picked because they expected to be making big changes or after the fact, but in the minds of most Japanese historians it is quite accurate.
The entire system actually took about a century or so to really come together—we often think of the Ritsuryo system as it was in its final version. This period, though, is where things kicked off, so we’ll be setting the stage and talking about some of the edicts during this period that eventually became the written code of the Ritsuryo system. This was started by Naka no Oe who, spoiler alert, would eventually reign as sovereign and be known as Tenchi Tennou. The system he helps put into place would continue to be used and refined even after his death and even after the end of the period covered by the Nihon Shoki.
So after some background, we’ll get to some of the very first edicts this episode, and then spend more time on them again, in the future.
The RitsuryoThe Ritsuryo system was based largely on continental models, with Confucian ideals and the legal code of the Tang dynasty having particular influence. And as we discuss these changes, which were huge, I’ll start with some clarifications and caveats. This was a system of government based largely on continental models, with Confucian ideals and the legal code of the Tang dynasty having particular influence. That   One of the first things to emphasize is that said, itthis wasn’t exactly an immediate revolution and reformation. Based on the entries in the Nihon Shoki, some of the work had already been started long before Naka no Oe came on the scene, largely attributed to the influence of Prince Umayado, aka Shotoku Taishi, and things like the 17 article constitution and rank system, which we discussed back in episode 95. And even after its initial implementation, there would come various tweaks to the system. Although there are numerous edicts made in the initial years of what is known as the Taika era, leading this change to often be given the nickname of the “Taika reforms”, the earliest formal administrative codes would come much later, firming up in the 8th century.
Another thing to keep in mind as we realize, as we start looking at these changes is that the Yamato courtit didn’t necessarily discard the old system, either. Changes like this take time, and something even if it is implemented for a year or two , it might not stick. This is one of the reasons that it is important that two of the apparent architects of the new system for these changes were there present through much of its implementation, actively guiding and shaping the process direction that the changes would take. These two individuals at wereas Prince Naka no Oe and Nakatomi no Kamako, later known in this reign as Kamatari, which is the name I’m going to use from here on out as it is the much more well known in case anyone decides to look up information later.
Finally, I would also note that many of these changes were being applied at the level of the elites of society, how they organized power and how they approached governance – but we should also spare a thought for how this affected the majority of people. After all, it was the majority of people who were working the fields, cutting the wood, or fishing the seas. The elites were often otherwise engaged, and whichthat isn’t to say that they did nothing. Often they were coordinating and bringing things together, but that was a smaller part of the overall population. In these reforms we get to see some rare glimpses into how all of thisit may have affected people beyond just the court elites.
To set this up, let’s start with a look at what brought us here, and how things changed over time and how they had governed things up until now—or at least as best as we can make out from our various sources. From there we can take a look at some of the earliest edicts related to the changes evolution in the government, focusing how they focused on consolidating the power and support at the center of the Yamato court and starteding to make more concrete Yamato’s control across the rest of the archipelago.
We’ve covered much of the development of complex society in Yamato this in previous episodes: How Yayoi society came with or at least introduced a form of stratification evident in graves, grave goods, as well as other patterns of lifeways. Local elites rose up to oversee communities, and eventually extended their influence, creating the various “kuni”, or countries—regional collections of communities that came together under a leadership structure and some shared cultural values.
Some of the earliest stories give us the Hiko-Hime leadership structure, often with a male and female head of state, though sometimes shown as elder and younger co-rulers.
This is backed up by some evidence in the kofun era, as we see large, single-purpose tomb mounds built for what we can only assume are the elite. Their construction would have required control of a large labor force, indicating a certain amount of their power, and their shape and various burial goods have further suggested, at least to scholars like Kishimoto, that there may have been a division of rulership, at least early on.
We’ve talked about the spread of Yamato style round keyhole shaped kofun through the archipelago and how the popularity of that kofun shape demonstrated Yamato’s influence but in the shape of their kofun, but that didn’t necessarily accompany a change in change the actual dynamics of local government, other than demonstrating Yamato’s increased influence.
The next thing we see in the record, I would argue, is the change to a familial based system, or the Bemin-sei. This is what we’ve talked about periodically in terms of both the uji, familial groups or clans, and the “be” familial or occupational groups, but here I’ll give an overview of the whole practice and what its development means in the sense of changing approaches to organizing and governing a complex society.
The Bemin system was a means of further dividing and categorizing people in society, . It is rooted in continental concepts of a familial group. Prior to the 5th century, there isn’t a clear indication of familial clans in Yamato, though that doesn’t mean people didn’t know where they were from. They still remembered who their ancestors were, and that was important, often tracing back to mythical and legendary individuals who are recorded as gods, or kami. I suspect, however, that in the smaller communities of the Yayoi period, where you were from was as a good an indicator of your relationships as anything else. Farming is a pretty sedentary lifestyle, and if you know all of your neighbors there isn’t as much need to divide each other up into specific familial groups. It was more important that I’m from this village or region than I’m from this particular family.
And so the oldest stories in the Nihon Shoki and the Kojiki only refer to individuals by their names or by locatives. Occasionally we will be told that so-and-so was an ancestor of this or that uji, or clan, but it is telling that they don’t use the clan name with that person.
Surnames do become important, however, in the Bemin system. But they are only really important for those in the upper tiers of society. Amongst the farmers and other commoners—the heimin—you often won’t find specific surnames, or people will use pure locatives or something similar to refer to a person. Surnames were for people a little further up the social food chain.
From what we can tell, the uji structure likely started with the “-Be” families, trying to set up groups of individuals who were in charge of certain economic activities beyond just farming the land. The Imbe, the Mononobe, the Abe, the Kuratsukuribe, and the Kusakabe are all examples of family names ending in “-Be”. Some, like Kuratsukuribe, Inukaibe, and Umakaibe are all fairly straightforward: These are groups that were set up around particular industries. Kuratsukuri literally means “saddle-making”, so the Kuratsukuri-be are the saddlemakers. Inukai and Umakai refer to the ones who kept or raised the dogs and horses.
Setting up a familial or clan unit around a certain profession was one way of organizing society so that you had the things that you needed. Such jobs were often inherited, anyway, passing from father to son, mother to daughter, etc. So it makes some sense. And the clan, or uji, structure meant that there was a person or persons at the head of the familial unit who could be responsible for coordinating efforts across different, sometimes dispersed, groups of people.
The thing is, there is no indication that the people in these professions were necessarily related to each other prior to this organization, and in many ways the idea that they were a family with a common ancestor was a created fiction. There may have been some relationship—for instance, weaver groups were often centered on immigrant groups that came over from the continent with knowledge of specific techniques, so there was likely some pre-existing relationship, but they weren’t necessarily what we would consider family, related by blood, to one another.
Over time these groups became actual clans—children were born into them and remained, unless they specifically were split off into a different uji for some reason. Some of them dropped the “-Be” part of their name—in some instances it seems this may have created a distinction between the line at the head of the clan vice the other members, but that distinction isn’t entirely clear. Furthermore, members of these clans were not, ultimately, restricted to the hereditary jobs for which the clan had been created.
There are also clans that appear to be more about location, possibly local rulers or magnates. For example, there are the Munakata and the Miwa, referring to local chiefs or lords of the Munakata and Miwa areas, both important ritual areas.
The clans formed another function as well, as each clan had a kabane, which was an early form of social rank. Some of these ranks appear to have come from titles or positions. So, for instance, you have the Omi, the Muraji, the Kimi, and the Atahe. Early on, Muraji appears to be the more prestigious title, with the Ohomuraji being the head of a Muraji level house that was also a key member of the government. Omi, meaning minister, eventually came to be seen as more prestigious, however. Meanwhile, both were more presitiousprestigious than the term “Kimi”, although that may have originated as a term for the rulers of the local countries, which makes sense if you consider that the Yamato sovereign was the Oho-kimi, or the Great Kimi, much as the Oho-omi was in charge of an Omi group and the Ohomuraji was in charge of a Muraji level house. There are also Omi and Muraji households for whom there is no Oho-omi or Oho-muraji ever mentioned, but only members of the Omi and Muraji ranked families were considered for positions at the top of the court hierarchy.
This All of this clan and rank system began to change in the 6th century during the reign of Toyomike Kashikiya Hime, aka Suiko Tenno, with the introduction of the 17 article constitution and new rank system. While both of these developments are of debatable veracity, since the chroniclers likely made this change seem much more structured than it actually was in practice, —there is probably at least something to the idea that the Yamato court y werewas adopting more continental ideas regarding state governance. The rank system, in particular, was a step towards recognizing individuals above simply their inherited social position. While kabane rank was applied to an entire uji, the new rank was applied to individuals alone, meaning that an individual could be recognized without necessarily rewarding every other person holding their same surname.
At the same time, more and more books were coming in from the continent. Some of these were focused on the new Buddhist religion, but there were also other works, based on a variety of subjects and introducing the Yamato court to some of the philosophical ideas of what government should be. And then there were various envoys sent to the Sui and Tang courts in the early 7th century, where they would have seen how things were working there.
Nonetheless, to be clear, we don’t know it is unclear just how far Yamato control extended across the archipelago. We know that in the 5th century there were individuals who considered themselves part of the Yamato court structure from the Kantou to Kyuushuu. In the Nihon Shoki, we also see the establishment of Miyake up and down the archipelago, from as far out as Kamitsukenu, aka Kozuke, to the western edge of Kyushu, in the early 6th century. These were areas of rice-land which owed their output to the Yamato court or a particular endeavor. They would have had officials there tied to the court to oversee the miyake, providing a local court presence, but how much this translated into direct Yamato control is hard to say.
Then there is the Dazai , the Yamato outpost in Kyushu, set up in the area of Tsukushi, modern Fukuoka Prefecture, largely following the Iwai Rebellion, and which we . We talked about this some in the Gishiwajinden Tour episode about Ito and Na, extending a more directand how the Yamato government extended a more direct, and explicitly military, presence in Kyushu.
Still, the individual lands of places like Hi, Toyo, Kibi, Owari, or Musashi were all governed by the Kuni no Miyatsuko, the Yamato court’s term for the various chieftains or rulers of the different lands.
And that gets us roughly to the situation where we are now, in 645. Prince Naka no Oe hadand been talking with his good friend Nakatomi no Kamatari about how things should be, ever since the day that Kamatari had helped him out at a kemari game—something akin to group hackey-sack with a volleyball. As we’ve discussed in past episodes, a lot of this sense of “how things should be” related to nipping the power of Soga no Iruka and Soga no Emishi in the bud, cutting off what they no doubt saw as a thread to imperial power and the ”right way of doing things”. But Tthe two had also been taking lessons from the Priest Minabuchi, and, like students everywhere, they thought they had figured this whole government thing out as well. They’d been reading the classics and would have had access to the reports from various envoys and ambassadors to the Tang court. The last one had left in 630 and returned in 632. They would no doubt have seen the workings of the Tang dynasty law code of 624 and the subsequent update in 627. Naka no Oe and Kamatari may have even heard news of the update in 637.
Thise law code, implemented by Tang Taizong, relied on Confucian and Legalist theory. It wasn’t the first law code in East Asia, or even the Yellow River basin , but it is one of the most significant and influential, and the earliest for which we have the actual code itself—though the extant version is from 653, about eight years after the events of 645., butHowever, as we’ll see, all of this was well withing the timeframe which the Ritsuryo system was used and updated, itself.
So, Naka no Oe and Kamatari have a shiny new document in their hands, promising an organized system of government very different from the status quo in Yamato to date. However, the Tang law code did have a problem: It was undeniably centered in the imperial culture of the Yellow River and Yangzi River basins. These areas had long had the concept of empire, and even in the chaotic period of the Sixteen Kingdoms and the Northern and Southern dynasties, the concept of an empire that ruled “All Under Heaven”, or “Tianxia” was something that people generally accepted. The Wa polities of the Japanese archipelago, even as they were now consuming media from the continent, still operated under their own cultural imaginaries of how the world was ordered and how government operated. And so the code couldn’t just be adopted wholesale: It would have to be adapted to the needs and demands of the Wa polity.
I should note that this was unlikely the reforms that took place in Yamato were sole effort of Naka no Oe and Kamatari, and much of what is written suggests that this wasn’t done simply through autocratic fiat, but included some key politicking. This started even before the Isshi Incident. Kamatari already had close ties with Prince Karu before he met with Naka no Oe. Kamatari and Naka no Oe had also brought Soga no Kurayamada no Ishikawa no Maro into their confidence, a member of the Soga family. The Fujiwara family history, the Toushi Kaden, compiled by Fujiwara Nakamaro in the 8th century, describes Maro—referenced as Soga no Yamada—as a man of particular and upright character. He also appears to have had a beef with his cousin , Soga no Iruka, and was ambitious.
I’m not sure just how much Naka no Oe and Kamatari were sharing their plans about reforming the State at this point, or if they were simply concentrating efforts on bringing down—that is to say murdering—Soga no Iruka. The Toushi Kaden mentions that others were also brought around to at least the idea that something had to be done about Soga no Iruka, though nobody was quite willing to speak out for fear of Soga no Iruka and his father, Emishi, and what they could do to someone’s reputation—or worse. After all, Soga no Iruka had only   recently killed the Prince Yamashiro no Oe, reportedly as part of a plot to ensure Prince Furubito would be next elevated to the throne. On the other hand, not much information seems to be given about the reforms until they are enacted.
And so after the Isshi Incident, we see our murderous firebrands taking the reins of power. As we noted back in episode 106, Prince Karu was encouraged to take the throne, while Prince Furubito no Ohoye retired from the world and took orders at a temple in Yoshino. Naka no Oe had been offered the throne, we are told, but turned it down, as the optics on it would not have been great. Not only because he was clearly responsible for the death of Soga no Iruka and his father, and thus his mother’s abdication. However, he could still be made Crown Prince, and keep right on going with his ambitions to change up the way things were done in the Yamato government.
Although Naka no Oe and Kamatari get most of the credit, the work required the cooperation—or at least consent—of the newly made sovereign, Prince Karu, also known as Ame Yorozu Toyohi, later styled as Koutoku Tennou. After all, it would be his edicts that would lay out the new system, and his name that would be attached to it.

One good example is a change that came immediately: Meanwhile, in place of Soga no Iruka as Oho-omi, Karu selected two individuals to take his place, dividing up the position of Oho-omi into ministers of the Left and Right. The first was Abe no Omi no Uchimaro, as Minister of the Left, and then Soga no Kurayamada no Omi no Ishikawa no Maro, Naka no Oe’s recently made father-in-law, was made the Minister of the Right. These positions, later known as the Sadaijin and Udaijin, would continue to be two of the most powerful civil positions in the Ritsuryo and later Japanese governments. The Minister of the Left, the Sadaijin, was often considered the senior of the two.
By the way, “Daijin” is just a sinified reading applied to the characters used for “Oho-omi”, or great minister. This means that the Minister of the Left, the Sadaijin, could just as easily be called the Oho-omi of the Left, or something similar. This actually causes a bit of confusion, especially in translation, but just realize that this is effectively just a rebranding, and not entirely a new name. What was new was this idea that they were broken into the Left and the Right a distinction that would mean a lot more once more of the bureaucratic offices and functionaries were properly defined.
Who were these two new ministers? Abe no Uchimaro has popped up a few times in the narrative. He was an experienced courtier. The Abe family had been moving within the halls of power for some time, and had even stood up to the Soga family when Soga no Umako had tried to acquire their lands in Katsuraki, making an ancestral claim. Uchimaro had also been involved in the discussions regarding Princes Tamura and Yamashiro no Oe after the death of Kashikya Hime, hosting one of the dinners during which the delicate issue of succession was discussed. He was clearly a politician of the first order.
Of course, Soga no Kurayamada had clearly earned his position through his connections with the conspirators.
, bBut what about Nakatomi no Kamatari? Well, he wasn’t exactly left out in the cold. Nakatomi no Kamatari was made the Naijin, the Minister, or “Omi”, of the Middle or the Minister of the Interior, implying that he had some authority over the royal household itself. This feels like a created position, possibly to allow him the freedom to help with the primary work of transforming the Yamato government.
Although Naka no Oe and Kamatari get most of the credit, the work required the cooperation—or at least consent—of the newly made sovereign, Prince Karu, also known as Ame Yorozu Toyohi, later styled as Koutoku Tennou. After all, it would be his edicts that would lay out the new system, and his name that would be attached to it.
One of the first things that is recorded in the Nihon Shoki was the declaration of a nengo, or era name. Up to this point, years in Yamato were remembered by the reign of the sovereign—typically based on their palace. So you would see things like the second year of the reign of the sovereign of Shiki palace, or something like that. In addition, at least since about the 6th century, if not earlier, years would eventually be given the appropriate sexagesimal year name, combing one of the ten stems and twelve branches. For example, 2024, when this episode is coming out, is the year of the Wood Dragon, or Kinoe-tatsu. This is still used for various Japanese traditionspractice still continues today in Japan for various reasons.
The Nengo was something newly introduced to Japan, however: . Aan era name would be chosen by the sovereign, often based on important changes that either had occurred or even as a wish for something new. So you would we see a new nengo with the ascension of a new sovereign, but it couldan also come because of an auspicious omen or because of a terrible disaster and hope for something new. The current nengo, which started with the reign of Emperor Naruhito a few years back, is “Reiwa”.
This very first nengo, we are told, was “Taika”, meaning, as I said up front, “Great Change”. It certainly was apropos to the work at hand. So let’s go through the Chronicles and see some of the “great changes” occurring at the Yamato court now that the intention had been made clear.
We already talked about the change from an single Oho-omi to ministers of the Left and Right, but there were many other Some of the first things were to set up various newly created officials and positions. An example is , such as two doctors, or Hakase – doctors in the sense of learned experts, not medical doctors, although medicine was certainly revered. One of these new Hakase was the Priest Min, presumably the same one who had brought back astronomical knowledge from the Sui dynasty, possibly the same as the one known as Sho’an. The other was Takamuko no Fubito no Kuromaro, who had gone to the Sui Dynasty with Min and others and come back with knowledge of how things worked on the continent. The Takamuko family had immigrant roots as descendants of the Ayabito, and Kuromaro was well traveled, returning from the Sui court by way of Silla. These two were well positioned to help with the work at hand.
Now that the rudiments of a cabinet were in place, Oone of the first problems set before things after setting up their cabinet, as it were, was to askthe their new Ministers of the Right and Left, as well as the various officials, the Daibu and the Tomo no Miyatsuko, was how tohey should get people to acquiesce to forced, or corvee labor—the idea that for certain government projects villages could be called upon to provide manual labor in the form of a healthy adult—typically male—to help as needed. This was a thorny problem, and evidently it was thought best to get expertise beyond the purely human. The following day, tThe Udaijin, Soga no Ishikawa no Maro, suggested that the kami of Heaven and Earth should be worshipped and then affairs of government should be considered. And so Yamato no Aya no Hirafu was sent to Wohari and Imbe no Obito no Komaro was sent to Mino, both to make offerings to the kami there for their assistance, it would seem, in setting up a good government.
This is significant, in part, as it shows the continued importance of local traditions focused on appeasing the kami, rather than the Buddhist rituals that they could have likely turned to, instead.
FinallyThree weeks later, on the 5th day of the 8th month—about three weeks later— camecomes the first truly major edict of the Taika era, which and it wasis to appoint new governors, or kokushi, of the eastern provinces. Note that they specifically mention the Eastern Provinces, presumably meaning those east of Yamato, since they only sent out eight of them. They also did not send them to usurp control, necessarily, from the Kuni no Miyatsuko of those areas. The Kuni no Miyatsuko were still nominally in charge, it would seem, but the court was getting ready to make some major changes to the relationship.
These governors were expected to go out and take a census of the people—both those free and those in bondage to others. They were also to take account of all of the land currently under cultivation, likely to figure out how to tax it appropriately. As for things other than arable land, such as gardens, ponds, rivers, oceans, lakes, mountains, etc., the edict commands the governors to consult with the people—presumably the people of the province—to get a better idea of what should be done.
And this doesn’t sound so bad. It is basically just a tally of what is already there. That said, anyone who has worked in a modern office probably knows about the dread that comes over a workplace when people show up from the Head Office with clipboards in hand. However, apparently many of the people had not yet heard of a “clipboard” and likely didn’t realize that this was only a precursor to greater and more centralized bureaucratic control.
Now in addition to taking a zero-baseline review of provincial resources, there was also a list of what these new governors y were to avoid – clear boundaries around the power they were to wield. For one thing, they were not to hear criminal cases. They weren’t there to be an extension of the Yamato court in such matters or to usurp the duties of the Kuni no Miyatsuko, one supposes. Furthermore, when they were traveling to the capital, they were only to bring themselves and district officials, but not a huge retinue. Whether they realized it or not, these kokushi were early bureaucrats in a burgeoning bureaucratic state, and they weren’t supposed to be going out there to become minor kings in their own right; their power came from and was limited by the royal edict. They also did not send them to usurp control, necessarily, from the Kuni no Miyatsuko of those areas. The Kuni no Miyatsuko were still nominally in charge, it would seem, but the court was getting ready to make some major changes to the relationship.
When traveling on official business, the governors could use appropriate government resources, such as the horses and food that they were entitled to. Remember that post stations were set up, previously, to help better facilitate official travel and communication. In a later edict it would be clarified that officials would be given a bronze token with bell-like figures on it. The shape of the token would indicate what kinds of resources the individual was entitled to.
This applied to governors and their assistants.
Those who follow the rules could be rewarded with rank and more, while those who disobeyed would be reduced in rank, and any stipend that came with it.
Furthermore, any government official who was found taking a bribe would be liable to pay twice the amount, as well as being open to criminal punishment.
The Chief Governor was allowed nine attendants, while the assistant was allowed seven, and a secretary—for which think more of the head of a branch office or department under the governor—could have five. Any more, and the governor and followers could be punished for it.
While in the provinces, the governors were expected to look into any claims of potentially false inheritance. This included anyone using a false name or title to claim rights that were not theirs. Governors were to first investigate what was going on before submitting their findings up to the court.
Governors were also to erect arsenals on waste pieces of ground—ground that could not be cultivated for some reason. In those arsenals they were to gather the various weapons and armor of the provinces and districts, presumably so that soldiers could be called up quickly and everyone could just get their equipment from one place, but it also looks like an attempt to take control of the means of violence. Whether or not that was their direct intention I cannot say. There was a provision for those on the frontier, with the Emishi, to allow the owners to keep their weapons, probably because the situation was potentially volatile, and it could turn at any moment.
And so that was the first major piece of legislation: Sending out governors to what are translated as “provinces”—though we are still using the term “kuni”, which equally refers to a state or country—ostensibly for the purposes of assessing the land, its value, the number of people, etc, but also to . They are centralizeing military assets.   and they are given status as true court representatives. I do notice that it was explicitly stated that these governors were for the eastern lands, . presumably meaning those east of Yamato, since they only sent out eight of them These are areas that historically appear to have relied more on Yamato or else been something of a frontier area for the ethnic Wa people. They may have been more open to Yamato’s demands on their sovereignty.
There were two more pieces to thise edict that didon’t directly apply to the governors. First off was the institution of a bell and a box to be set up at the court. The box was basically a place to receive complaints about how things were going in the realm. They are careful to note that complaints should be vetted by the Tomo no Miyatsuko, one of the hereditary government officials, or at least to the head of one’s uji, if possible. If they couldn’t come to a decision, though, the complaints would be collected at dawn and then the government would look into them. If anyone thought that there was a problem with how a complaint was being handled—for example, if they thought there was malfeasance involved or even just neglect, with officials not addressing it in a timely fashion, then the plaintiffs could go to the court and ring the bell, officially noting their dissatisfaction with the process.
This idea of a bell and complaints seems to be a wide-ranging practice throughout Asia. During the reign of the Legendary Yao, people were encouraged to nail their complaints to a tree. Other edicts suggest that bells and drums were hung in royal palaces to allow common people to voice their grievances. We have examples of the practice showing up in the Sukhothai kingdom of Thailand, during the 13th century reign of King Ramkhamhaeng, and then a 16th century example in what is now Myanmar, aka Burma. While they differ in specifics, they are all related to the concept of royal justice even for the lowest of the people. Granted, if you are a farmer in Owari province, I don’t know how easy it was going to be to make your way over to the royal palace and ring that bell, but at least there was the idea that people could submit complaints.
This was apparently used relatively soon after, as recounted in the second month of the following year, about six months later. Apparently some person had placed a complaint in the box stating that people who had come to the capital on government business were being put to work and ill-used. Basically it sounds like they were being rounded up for corvee labor even though they weren’t local residents, they were just passing through. In response, the sovereign, Karu, put a stop to forced labor at various places—presumably where the offending action was taking place, so I guess the complaint system it was working.
The last part of this first set of edicts, kicking off the change was about inheritance. Not all people in Yamato were free, and the law saw a difference between the status of free and unfree persons—that is to say enslaved persons. And so they made laws that only the child of two free persons would be considered free. If either parent was in bondage, then the child was also considered in bondage to their parent’s house. If two enslaved persons of different houses had a child, then they would stay with the mother. Temple serfs, though technically bound to service of the temple, were made a special case, and their children were to be treated as if the temple serf was a free person.
Slavery is something that doesn’t always get talked about regarding ancient Yamato, and the Chronicles themselves don’t tend to mention enslaved peoplethem often, but more because they belonged to a class of society that was largely outside of the scope of the narrative. In cases where they are discussed, such as in these edicts, the Chronicles are unapologetic of the practice. These may have been people who were captured in raids, or their descendants, or people who had been enslaved as punishment for some offence, although it isn’t quite clear just what would count. We know that Himiko sent enslaved persons as part of the tribute to the Wei Court, as she was trying to curry favor, and mention of them certainly shows up now and again.
It is unclear how many people were enslaved up to this point, but some estimates suggest that it may have been five to ten percent of the population. As I’ve mentioned before, this practice continued up until the Sengoku Period, and was only abolished by Toyotomi Hideyoshi in an attempt to stop the Portuguese from buying enslaved Japanese people and transporting them away from Japan. That didn’t meant that other forms of bondage, often economic in nature, didn’t happen, however.
So that was the content of the first edict—one of many. The court sent out newly appointed “governors” to the provinces, but these governors were, so far, limited in their scope. There is even some evidence that these may have been initially seen as temporary positions, and there was mention of “kokushi” in the previous reign. Still, this was part of a clearly concentrated effort to assume central authority over the archipelago. There were even officials appointed over the six districts of Yamato province, the core of the Yamato state, who were likewise expected to prepare registers of the population and the cultivated land.
Even the idea that the sovereign had the right to make these appointments was something a bit radical, and indicated a change in way that the court, at least, would view the sovereign. It likewise placed the sovereign in a position to dispense justice, through the vehicle of the court, and it began to define the citizens of the realm as well.
That said, this all could have been argued for by using the Sui and Tang as examples of what government should look like and what a true nation should look like.
It is also possible that this didn’t all happen of a sudden in the 8th month, as the Chronicles describe it. This is suggested at based on a separate account, mentioned in the Nihon Shoki, that the gathering of weapons, for instance—one of the things that the governors were charged with—actually took place between the 6th and 9th month, so some of this likely started before the date listed for the edict, and that may just have been one part of the whole. The Chroniclers often do this, finding one particular date and throwing in everything rather than giving things piecemeal—depending on the event.
In addition, on the 19th day of the 9th month, officials were sent out to all of the provinces—not just the eastern provinces—to take a proper census. At this same time, the sovereign, Karu, issued another edict, which seems related to their work as well as that of the governors, or kokushi, sent to the east. In it he noted that the powerful families—the Omi, the Muraji, the Tomo no Miyatsuko, and the Kuni no Miyatsuko—would compel their own vassals to work at their pleasure. They would also appropriate for themselves various pieces of land, so that people could only work it for them. Not everyone was doing this, though. Some unnamed persons were accused of hording thousands of acres of rice-land, while others had no more land than you could stick a needle into. Furthermore, these powerful families were collecting taxes for themselves, first, and then handing a portion over to the government. They likely compelled their vassals to work on their own tombs, and such. And so, the sovereign, Karu, forbade anyone from becoming a landlord and forcing people to pay rent. Presumably he was also dealing with some of the other aspects, though that may have proved more difficult. After all, from what we’ve seen, everything that Karu is complaining about—things that no doubt were considered antithetical to good government based on pure Confucian values—were the norm for the elite at the time. Heck, the Kuni no Miyatsuko had no doubt thought of the land and the people on it as their own, not Yamato’s. However, things were shifting, and once again we see Yamato exerting royal prerogative over the land and people, something that they would do more and more as the system of laws and punishments eventually came together.
Now the big question is how did this all pan out? Well, it took some time, but we get a report on the second day of the third month of the following year, 646, and to be honest, it doesn’t sound like things were going too well. Of the high officials sent out as kokushi to govern the eastern provinces, six listened and did what they were told, but two did not, and then there were numerous other issues. A more detailed list was given on the 19th of the month, including a clearer idea of punishments.
The decree was given to the “Choushuushi”, apparently other government officials sent to check on how things were going, though it was clearly about various officials.
The decree starts by reminding officials that they were not to use their position to appropriate public or private property. Anyone of Assistant governor rank or higher would be punished by being degraded in rank, and presumably their stipend. Those officials of clerk, or secretary, on down would face flogging. If anyone was found converting public property (or someone else’s) to their own use, they would be fined double the value of the property, just as with bribes. So the Yamato government was They were really trying to tamp down on people trying to make a profit from their position.
Here are a few of the specific things that the Choushuushi reported back:
-             Hozumi no Omi no Kuhi taxed individual families for his own use and though he gave some of it back make, it wasn’t all. His two assistants were at fault for not correcting him.
-             Kose no Tokune no Omi did something similar, taking away horses from the farmers for his own use. His assistants not only did not correct him, but actually helped him. They also took horses from the Kuni no Miyatsuko of the province. One of the officials tried to remonstrate with him, but he finally gave in to the corruption.
-             Ki no Marikida no Omi sent men to Asakura no Kimi and Inoue no Kimi to look at their horses for his own use. He also had Asakura no Kimi make him swords and provide bow-cloth. He also took the payments in lieu of weapons offered by the Kuni no Miyatsuko but didn’t properly report it. As a somewhat strange addition to these charges, he apparently was guilty of allowing himself to be robbed of a sword in his own province as well as in Yamato, presumably one that was actually government property. Apparently being held up at sword point wasn’t considered sufficient justification for letting it go. This was facilitated by his assistants and their subordinates.
-             Adzumi no Muraji apparently made the Kuni no Miyatsuko send government property to someone when they were ill, and he took horses belonging to the Yube clan. His assistant gathered items at his house that were paid in lieu of hay, and he took the horses of the Kuni no Miyatsuko and exchanged them for others. At least two other brothers were found guilty as well.
-             Ohochi no Muraji broke the decree of not personally judging the complaints of the people in the districts under his charge. He took it on himself to judge the case of the men of Udo and the matter of the enslaved persons of Nakatomi no Toko, who was also considered guilty.
-             Kishida no Omi, as with Ki no Marikida, also allowed his sword to be stolen, showing a want of circumspection.
-             In one of the strangest put-downs in this list, Womidori no Omi and Tanba no Omi weren’t guilty of anything, but were just considered incompetent. So make of that what you will.
-             Imbe no Konomi and Nakatomi no Muraji no Mutsuki also committed offenses, we are told, but the nature is unclear.
-             Hada no Omi and Taguchi no Omi, on the other hand, were free and clear. Apparently they hadn’t committed any offenses.
-             Finally, Heguri no Omi was guilty of neglecting to investigate the complaints of the men of Mikuni.
A big to-do was made about the punishments to be meted out to all of these individuals, as well as to the Kuni no Miyatsuko who may have enabled them. However, instead of prosecuting them, Karu declared a general amnesty. This was like a mass pardon of offenses—a do-over if you would. Not that anything would be forgotten. On the other hand, six individuals who did as they were told were all commended for their service. He also took the lent-rice for the maintenance of the late Kibishima, the dowager queen who had passed away in 643, and distributed her official-rice lands amongst the ministers down to the Tomo no Miyatsuko. He also gave rice-land and hill tracts, which weren’t suitable for farming, over to various temples which had previously been omitted from the official registers for some reason.
Over all, this seems to be a rather powerful message: We’re not They weren’t fooling around with these changes, and people better get on board or get out of the way. Whereas previously things in the provinces may have operated under a sort of Vegas Rules, that was no longer going to be tolerated. On the other hand, Karuhe demonstrated mercy, likely realizing that too harsh an approach would bring the wrath of the other powerful nobles. Nonetheless, he elaborated what each person had done and effectively put them and anyone else harboring thoughts that they could just ignore these edicts on notice. These reforms weren’t going away.
So we’ve talked about where we were and we can see the powers at the Yamato court starting to make changes. For now, this is probably going to be a good place to take a break for this episode, but there are a lot more of these reforms to get to, not to mention the rest of the intra-palace politicking at the court, as well as the changing situation on the continent and in diplomatic channels. We are going to keep looking at these changes as we move forward through the period of Great Change, known as the Taika era.
Until then, thank you for listening and for all of your support.
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And that’s all for now. Thank you again, and I’ll see you next episode on Sengoku Daimyo’s Chronicles of Japan.

References

Bauer, M. (2020). The History of the Fujiwara House: A Study and Annotated Translation of the Toshi Kaden. Amsterdam University Press. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv125jv4q
Van Goethem, E. E. M. A. (2009). Capital and Countryside in Japan, 300-1180: Japanese Historians Interpreted in English (Joan R. Piggott, ed.). Journal of Asian Studies, 68(3), 988–90.
Kracke, E. A. (1976). Early Visions of Justice for the Humble in East and West. Journal of the American Oriental Society, 96(4), 492–498. https://doi.org/10.2307/600081
Aston, W. G. (1972). Nihongi, chronicles of Japan from the earliest times to A.D. 697. London: Allen & Unwin. ISBN0-80480984-4
Knox, George William (1903). The Early Institutional Life of Japan, a Study in the Reform of 645 A. D. By K. ASAKAWA, Ph.D. The American Historical Review, Volume 11, Issue 1, October 1905, Pages 128–129

Rough Transcript

References